Two Varieties of Subject Scrambling in FNQ-constructions

In the traditional Locality approach to floating numeral quantifiers in Korean and Japanese, two subject positions have been identified for external merge, one in Spec, vP and the other in Spec, TP (Saito 1985, Miyagawa 1989, 2013, Miyagawa and Arikawa 2007, etc.). In this paper, I show that the two external merger positions of the subject are unnecessary in the grammar of Korean and Japanese. Rather, by accepting the minimalist assumption of the VP-Internal Subject Hypothesis (Kitagawa 1986, Sportiche 1988, Koopman and Sportiche 1991), we are better able to explain a variety of bewildering phenomena that arise in scrambling contexts of FNQ-constructions.