• Journal of Physiology & Pathology in Korean Medicine
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.443-451
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• 2002

In the present social-communicating situation of the folk remedies, we can say there is no responsible main group of it. When we look for recent published remedy books, their authors' background is too various. The folk remedy only focuses on the generality but it does not understand the problem of misusing with lack of explanation and classification in view of the oriental medicine. In conclusion, current folk remedies have formed a figure out of irresponsibility.

• Journal of Physiology & Pathology in Korean Medicine
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.1-9
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• 2006

To accept folk remedies in view of oriental medicine and to use as one of social health materials, 1 have looked for the phase institution of folk remedies in the oriental medicine and their adopting method to the oriental medicine, on the basis of the present social-communicating situation, the degree of interest in folk remedies among people and oriental medicine doctors and the content of folk remedies in Dongyibogam(東醫寶鑑). The results are following; The researches of relative importance in the folk remedy's meaning of Dongyibogam show that the proper use can help disease cured, not by unconditional choice but by symptoms. The use of folk remedies are different from the prescription in the oriental medicine, as showing the type and ratio of folk remedies and prescriptions in Dongyibogam. When considering used materials, forms and time in the meaningful content of folk remedies in Dongyibogam, they established two categories. One is radical treatment on acute disease by short-term use. The other is slow treatment on chronic disease by long-term use. For wide application to people, they also had the prudent attitude to accept symptom-oriented treatment and tried to connect with syndrome which needed diagnosis as precisely as possible.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.175-185
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• 2003

The purpose of this study was to investigate whether there is any difference between the dual residence couples and the single residence couples in terms of the situation of child care, development of their child and mother's parenting guilty or parenting stress. Also, this study aimed to explore the variables which influence parenting guilty and parenting stress of dual residence mothers. The 178 mothers of three to eight tear-old participated the survey. Half of them were dual residence mothers and another half were those of single residence. These two groups were matched in terms of the occupation of the mother and the age of the child. Major finding were as follows. 1) Compared with single residence couples, dual residence couples used multiple methods of child care. And they depended maternal families more than paternal ones as a care-giver. They also payed much more for the child care than single residence couples. 2) Children of the dual residence couples did not differ with those of the single residence couples in terms of cognitive and social development. 3) Dual residence mothers had more parenting guilty than those of single residence while these two groups did not differ in terms of parenting stress. 4) While dual residence mother's parenting guilty was significantly related with the amount of information provided by the paternal families, their parenting stress was significantly related with the frequencies of communicating with the husband, the mother's age, the flexibility of time in the mother's work place, the mother's orientation to the career, and the supports of the husband. In conclusion, dual residence families in Korea were not so negative as expected. Furthermore, this study suggests that the parenting difficulties of the dual residence mothers could be decreased by the change of social and economic situations and the psycho-social support of the husband.